By Rajni Bakshi
Bapu Kuti, at Sewagram Ashram, Wardha, is the dust hut which was once Mahatma Gandhi's final domestic. part a century after Bapu was once killed, the Kuti is alive with gatherings of people that proportion his desires. they don't name themselves 'Gandhians'. but, as they look for the recommendations to the numerous difficulties of recent India, those activists locate themselves coming to an analogous conclusions as had Gandhi. during this assortment, Rajni Bakshi explores the area and lives of twelve such those who have grew to become their backs on profitable professions to embark on a look for functional and humane methods of political and social transformation, rooted within the religion that new India with prosperity for all could be equipped at the strengths of cooperation and neighborhood.
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Amid technologies created for rapid obsolescence and economies thriving on waste, how did Karuna have the confidence to insist that an economy of permanence is not only possible but imperative and even inevitable? For one, he sees the world quite differently. What are generally seen as ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ countries he sees as ‘ruined countries and rating-to-be-ruined countries’. Karuna has a complex formula for how India can opt out of this race. This formula relies neither on state-run development programmes nor on the Wall Street variety of ‘market’.
Eventually, on 15 July 1997, after over two years of struggle, the Government of Rajasthan finally issued a notification granting people access to copies of panchayat level records. For several months after that, district officials denied receiving the notification. So the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan waited another six months. In January 1998 it held two public meetings, one at Kukarkheda and the other at Surajpura. The Sangathan’s triumph lay not merely in the fact of these public hearings where people came armed with xerox copies of relevant development records.
On the fifth day they lifted the five strikers and force-fed them. Aruna and Mamta Jaitly, an active supporter of the Sangathan from Jaipur, replaced the strikers. After two more days, the strike was converted into a dharna and eventually the full wages were paid. Gradually, the Sangathan abandoned hunger strikes as a mode of protest because it created a desperate urgency to reach a settlement. Hunger strikes may be resorted to, they felt, only when no other peaceful means would work and the system is completely adamant.